Good governance must take precedence over electoral politics

Good governance must take precedence over electoral politics: India has a predominantly young population, unemployment remains a concern, and political attention is increasingly consumed by elections. The shift from governance to electioneering is troubling at a time when questions about voting rights, political defections and the functioning of India’s federal system remain unresolved.

The first concern is the revision of electoral rolls. Efforts to update voter lists have been challenged on the grounds that eligible citizens could lose their right to elect representatives of their choice, with consequences for electoral outcomes. Any exercise undertaken in haste, without adequate safeguards against wrongful exclusion, deserves close scrutiny.

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Article 326 of the Constitution provides for elections to the Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies on the basis of adult suffrage. Universal adult franchise has been a feature of Indian democracy since the first general elections. The controversy surrounding the Special Intensive Revision (SIR), including allegations of wrongful exclusions in states such as West Bengal, raises questions about how the exercise is being conducted. Electoral rolls must be accurate, but eligible voters should not suffer because of administrative errors or inadequate opportunities to establish their eligibility.

Political defections and the voters’ mandate

The second concern arises after elections, when representatives are expected to remain accountable to the promises and political positions on which they sought the voters’ mandate. Frequent defections, whether individual or collective, have weakened the purpose of the anti-defection law introduced through the 52nd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1985.

The expression ‘Aaya Ram, Gaya Ram’ became associated with legislators changing political allegiance and helped create the circumstances for the legislation. Four decades later, the problem persists, although its methods have changed. Defections involving groups of legislators can alter the political balance in an assembly and, in some cases, determine which party forms the government.

The voters who elected these representatives have little say in such developments. Their electoral choice can be substantially altered without another election.

There is a strong case for revisiting the anti-defection framework. If an elected representative changes the political affiliation or platform on which the mandate was obtained, requiring a fresh mandate from voters deserves consideration. This could discourage defections undertaken for political advantage, particularly when they lead to a change of government. Any such reform would have to distinguish between changing political allegiance and exercising legitimate dissent within a party.

Federalism and the quality of governance

India’s population of more than 1.4 billion, spread across approximately 3.28 million sq. km, makes a strong federal system essential. States differ considerably in their economic circumstances, development needs and administrative capacity. They must have sufficient authority to pursue policies appropriate to their conditions.

Well-governed states have generally been better placed to improve education, healthcare, employment opportunities and public services. Madhya Pradesh has sought to move beyond its historical ‘BIMARU’ classification, while several states continue to struggle with longstanding development problems. The quality and consistency of governance deserve attention when examining these differences.

The third concern is the gradual erosion of fiscal autonomy within the federal structure.

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The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments were intended to strengthen local self-government. Successive Finance Commissions have also recognised the need to improve the financial position of states and local bodies. The purpose was to enable institutions closer to the people to address development needs according to local priorities.

Untied grants are important in this arrangement. A Panchayat that has achieved satisfactory coverage of drinking water and sanitation may need to invest in roads, schools or other facilities. The ability to allocate resources according to such requirements can improve the use of public funds.

Under the 15th Finance Commission, 60% of grants to rural local bodies were tied to drinking water and sanitation, leaving 40% untied. The arrangement supported essential services but limited expenditure on other priorities. Panchayats that had already made substantial progress in the specified areas could find themselves constrained in using the grants for other pressing needs.

The 16th Finance Commission has recommended changes to the structure of local-body grants, providing greater flexibility while retaining specified spending conditions. The effectiveness of the revised arrangements will depend on whether local institutions can use the funds available to them without unnecessary restrictions.

The routing of certain local-body funds through the Ministry of Home Affairs in Union Territories also raises questions about administrative control and fiscal autonomy. Such arrangements need to be examined to ensure that local institutions have adequate discretion over their expenditure.

A related issue is the increasing financial responsibility placed on states through changes in centrally sponsored programmes. Although states receive a share of central taxes, additional expenditure obligations can reduce their ability to finance their own development priorities.

The replacement of MGNREGA by the new rural employment guarantee framework illustrates this concern. The revised cost-sharing arrangement requires most states to bear a larger proportion of programme expenditure. For states already facing fiscal constraints, this could affect spending on other essential services.

Fiscal federalism must be assessed in terms of the resources and responsibilities assigned to different levels of government. States cannot be expected to take on additional obligations indefinitely without sufficient financial capacity.

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Governance beyond electoral competition

The fourth concern is the tone of political discourse, which increasingly extends beyond election campaigns. Political competition is an essential part of democracy. Once elections are over, however, governments are expected to concentrate on administration and development.

India’s federal structure allows different political parties to govern at the Union and state levels. Political differences should not obstruct cooperation on matters affecting public welfare. The opposition also has a legitimate role in scrutinising government decisions and holding those in power accountable to the Constitution and the rule of law.

The quality of governance becomes particularly important in sectors such as education. Inadequate infrastructure, financial constraints and the closure or merger of schools can make education less accessible, especially for girls.

School closures and mergers are often justified on administrative or financial grounds. Their consequences for students require equal attention. A longer journey to school, inadequate transport or concerns about safety may discourage attendance, particularly among girls from disadvantaged households.

Decisions of this nature should reflect local circumstances. What may be appropriate in one district could create difficulties in another. State governments and local institutions are generally better placed to assess these differences, provided they have the resources and authority to act.

India’s diversity makes a uniform approach unsuitable for many development programmes. The federal system provides room for policies that reflect differences in geography, economic conditions and social development. Weakening that flexibility can affect the delivery of essential services.

The focus must return to governance. Governments should be judged by their ability to improve employment opportunities, education, healthcare and public services, regardless of the political party in power. Respect for the federal structure is essential to this responsibility.

Equally important are safeguards against political defections that undermine the electoral mandate and administrative actions that could deny eligible citizens the right to vote. The authority obtained through elections carries an obligation to govern in accordance with the mandate received. That obligation must remain central to India’s democratic system.

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