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Budget 2026: Welfare up, income durability still elusive

Budget 2026

Budget 2026 raises allocations for jobs, health and education, but state capacity, costly credit and thin delivery weaken the shift from welfare to durable incomes.

Union Budget 2026–27 is framed as an annual checkpoint on long-term goals. The Prime Minister’s shorthand – poor, women, youth and farmers – sets a clear test: do allocations move these groups from income support to income durability? Budget 2026 signals intent, but its allocations reveal an unresolved tension between expanding welfare commitments and the fiscal space needed to underwrite productive employment.

Outlays for the right-to-work programme under VB-GRAM-G rise from ₹88,000 crore to ₹95,000 crore, with a mandatory 40% state contribution. That design places the delivery burden squarely on states with the weakest fiscal capacity and the highest demand for local employment. Media coverage has already flagged uneven state balance sheets as the real constraint. Whether the programme guarantees work will depend less on Union intent than on state governments’ ability to fund and administer it alongside other mandated expenditures.

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Manufacturing ambition and gig work

The Budget reiterates three “kartavyas”: scaling manufacturing across seven strategic sectors, building capacity through employment-linked education, and inclusion under Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas. Labour codes are again positioned as the principal solution for gig workers. What remains unclear is the financing and enforcement architecture behind these assurances.

Codes without portable benefits, unemployment protection or credible inspection capacity risk formalising precarity rather than stabilising incomes. Manufacturing ambition, meanwhile, is not matched by signals that materially alter private investment decisions.

MSMEs: Liquidity support, investment still hesitant

MSMEs account for about 30% of GDP and roughly 45% of exports, making them disproportionately vulnerable to tariffs and global volatility. The Budget proposes ₹10,000 crore for equity access and liquidity support, integrates GeM with mandatory TReDS to accelerate payments, and expands the “corporate mitra” framework for ancillaries.

These measures ease cash flow but do not address the central issue flagged in post-Budget analysis: the cost of credit and risk aversion continue to restrain fresh manufacturing investment. Without a sustained capex response, MSMEs risk remaining traders rather than producers, limiting employment creation.

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Agriculture and fisheries

Employment expansion again leans on productivity gains in agriculture and inland fisheries, including restoration of irrigation tanks. Yet the Budget is silent on strengthening agricultural universities and extension systems that translate research into farm practice. Fertiliser provisioning is trimmed, even as resilience is emphasised. Plans to integrate AgriStack with ICAR research sit uneasily with the steady erosion of the krishi sewak cadre. The result is familiar: targets are reiterated, but the institutional spine needed to raise yields and farm incomes remains weak.

Food processing faces intensified competition as trade agreements with Europe expand import access. Budget documents acknowledge integration with global value chains but do not confront domestic cost disadvantages. Without competitive processing capacity at home, agricultural output risks under-utilisation, weakening the very income diversification the Budget seeks.

Food security spending through the PDS and mid-day meals is pegged at ₹2,27,629 crore, lower than the previous year, even as coverage continues for roughly 81 crore people. Media commentary has noted the absence of a pivot from calorie provision to nutrition outcomes. Child stunting remains in the “serious” category, and India’s rank of 102 out of 123 in the Global Hunger Index (2025) highlights the gap. The Budget maintains scale, but not correction.

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Education, health, housing

Higher education allocations rise by 11.28% to ₹5,649 crore, while scholarships for backward and minority students are reduced. The proposal for university townships shifts infrastructure costs to states already under fiscal strain. What remains missing is a clear link between skilling, apprenticeships and actual job absorption. Placement outcomes and research output, not campus expansion, determine whether education spending translates into employability for the youth cohort.

Health allocation increases by about 10% to ₹1,06,530 crore, a modest rise that keeps execution under Ayushman Bharat as the decisive factor. Housing and sanitation spending largely funds completion of existing projects, with an overall cut of nearly ₹50,000 crore. At the same time, untied transfers to local bodies are pared back, weakening the last-mile institutions responsible for health, sanitation and employment delivery. The centre–state mismatch is acknowledged implicitly, not resolved.

The unresolved shift

Budget 2026–27 gestures towards moving from welfare to entitlements and from subsistence to sustainable incomes. Yet the fiscal arithmetic, private investment response and labour-market quality do not yet align with that ambition. Welfare commitments expand, while the instruments that convert public spending into durable jobs remain tentative.

Ring-fencing India from geopolitical shocks and building a manufacturing base cannot rest on a continued expansion of insecure gig work. For a country with 65% of its population under 35, the binding challenge is not intent but coherence—between fiscal discipline, investment incentives and employment quality. That coherence remains incomplete.

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